Senin, 29 September 2014

## Ebook Download Social Justice and the City (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by David Harvey

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Social Justice and the City (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by David Harvey

Social Justice and the City (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by David Harvey



Social Justice and the City (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by David Harvey

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Social Justice and the City (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by David Harvey

Throughout his distinguished and influential career, David Harvey has defined and redefined the relationship between politics, capitalism, and the social aspects of geographical theory. Laying out Harvey’s position that geography could not remain objective in the face of urban poverty and associated ills, Social Justice and the City is perhaps the most widely cited work in the field.

Harvey analyzes core issues in city planning and policy―employment and housing location, zoning, transport costs, concentrations of poverty―asking in each case about the relationship between social justice and space. How, for example, do built-in assumptions about planning reinforce existing distributions of income? Rather than leading him to liberal, technocratic solutions, Harvey’s line of inquiry pushes him in the direction of a “revolutionary geography,” one that transcends the structural limitations of existing approaches to space. Harvey’s emphasis on rigorous thought and theoretical innovation gives the volume an enduring appeal. This is a book that raises big questions, and for that reason geographers and other social scientists regularly return to it.

  • Sales Rank: #502909 in Books
  • Brand: Harvey, David
  • Published on: 2009-10-15
  • Released on: 2009-10-15
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .79" w x 6.00" l, 1.15 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 368 pages

Review

A penetrating analysis of contemporary urbanism which may indeed be the signal for a change of direction, if not a revolution, in geographic thought. The time is certainly ripe for this. But it will appeal to and stimulate many other disciplines and professions. It will be controversial for it brings into question concepts and values that are fundamental to our way of life.

(Times Higher Education Supplement)

One of the most influential books in human geography, Social Justice and the City is a generative work that has influenced decades of urban studies scholars. Harvey skillfully demonstrates the material forces that produce cities, urban geographies, and the problems that are often associated with them. In so doing, he opened up new territory for understanding some of the fundamental and enduring problems of the city.

(Laura Pulido author of Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left: Radical Activism in Los Angeles)

This book, in fact, provides the dimension that is almost entirely missing from the work of most critics, journalists, or historians who describe and discuss the contemporary city or the development of the modern movement in architecture.

(Architects Journal)

A good book, by any standards, and it is to be hoped that even those many of the author's colleagues in geography, economics, and sociology, who may suspect that the dose of theoretical Marxism which we are offered here is too undiluted, may nonetheless ask themselves whether they can, either through some type of revisionism, or by starting elsewhere, offer a better or more comprehensive theory of the city.

(Times Literary Supplement)

A solid and much-needed achievement.

(George W. Carey Geographical Review)

Social Justice and the City has rightfully been an influential work, particularly among geographers. It is admirable not only in its systematic questioning of the traditional explanations of urban problems, but in insisting on a comprehensive view in explaining social phenomena. It is a refreshing work because of the paradigmatic change that is mapped in the course of the essays.

(James L. Greer Ethics)

Establishes David Harvey as one of the most fertile and fruitful scholars working in the field of urban studies at the present time. It also makes quite clear that urban geography and non-Marxist urban economics can never be quite the same again.

(Urban Studies)

The adage that we become more conservative as we grow older is but one of several comfortable notions that are profoundly shaken in this extraordinary book. . . . Social Justice and the City contains a wealth of convincing and unconvincing, disturbing and reinforcing, but usually provocative ideas.

(Richard L. Morrill Annals of the Association of American Geographers)

From the Inside Flap
Throughout his distinguished and influential career, David Harvey has defined and redefined the relationship among politics, capitalism, and the social aspects of geographical theory. Laying out Harvey's position that geography could not remain objective in the face of urban poverty and associated ills, Social Justice and the City is perhaps the most widely cited work in the field.

Harvey analyzes core issues in city planning and policy--employment and housing location, zoning, transport costs, concentrations of poverty--asking in each case about the relationship between social justice and space. How, for example, do built-in assumptions about planning reinforce existing distributions of income? Rather than leading him to liberal, technocratic solutions, Harvey's line of inquiry pushes him in the direction of a "revolutionary geography," one that transcends the structural limitations of existing approaches to space. Harvey's emphasis on rigorous thought and theoretical innovation gives the volume an enduring appeal. This is a book that raises big questions, and for that reason geographers and other social scientists regularly return to it.

About the Author
David Harvey is Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. His many books include A Brief History of Neoliberalism and Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development.

Most helpful customer reviews

9 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Still brilliant, 39 years later
By D.K. Thompson
The updated edition of Harvey's classic work is an excellent analysis of space, urban economics, and concepts of justice that remains very relevant in today's urban context that tends to foster and reinforce social and economic divides within the built environment. For anyone who has wondered about the transformation of inner-city areas into ghettos or the recent reclaiming of certain of these areas by young professional "gentrifiers," the arguments in this book will help you develop your thoughts on these subjects. Unlike the more famous of Harvey's later writings, the perspectives here are not all drawn from critical Marxism. For those of you who are fans of Harvey's work, this book captures his transition from a more "liberal" stance on urban geography (evident in his pre-1970 work) to a critical Marxist approach.

The first section of the book contains somewhat of a struggle to conceptualize the urban system within a liberal framework, and throughout these chapters Harvey begins to develop a theory of location, the value of urban space, and the concept of urban justice that lead him towards a more critical stance. The themes touched upon in the first section come out strongly and in a more unified manner in the second section as Harvey draws on Marx's theory of value and rent to critically analyze the circulation of capital within the urban system, specifically the role of incomes and of rents in determining patterns of settlement and work for individuals of different classes. The inclusion of Harvey's essay "The Right to the City" is a bonus that complements recent work by Abdoumaliq Simone,Don Mitchell, Michael Keith, and other urban theorists (although of course this article is available elsewhere). Harvey's work differs somewhat by focusing primarily on the economics of settlement whereas others have zeroed in on public space or on the role of migration in the city, giving Social Justice and the City a bit of a one-sided conception of social justice (clearly in the end influenced by Marx). But I think Harvey's approach to the economic side of urban social justice is very coherent; in order to develop a more holistic theory of urban social justice, supplement your reading with Lefebvre's The Production of Space and Don Mitchell's more recent book, The Right to the City:Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space.

The bottom line: An essential book for those interested in urban theory or in justice and the built environment. If you are interested in urban studies and economics and want to think more deeply about the city and the relationships that take place within it, read this book.

7 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
The Epistemology of Urban Life
By Augustus Carmichael
"Social Justice and the City," originally published in 1973, is widely known both as a landmark study in the field of human geography and as David Harvey's Marxist coming-out-of-the-closet. I would say that it's a work of philosophy of science, but as the author declares, his intention is to challenge the entire Western tradition of scientific epistemology. In Harvey's thesis, strict positivism, the notion that science is the discovery and reaffirmation of fixed categories, has proven itself to be an inadequate approach to science across multiple fields of both the "hard" and social sciences, despite positivism's continued dominance within academia. Simultaneously, he argues that the history of post-WW2 attempts at urban social engineering and the new forms of political struggle which had risen out of the postwar urban world serve as evidence that science, especially social science, needs to continually critique its own methodology in order to continually generate meaningful and useful analyses. Harvey describes two related problems in the field of human geography (which extend to all of social science). The first is that his fellow geographers are too willing to accept the capitalist notion of value when studying urban life, and an equal problem of the tendency of Durkheimian social scientists to miss the concrete, yet fluctuating world around them due to their adherence to categorical ideals.

Like the European urban theorists Mumford and Lefebvre who preceded him, Harvey argues that science always rests on a worldview which is intrinsically linked to the values of the society it occupies. Science, and especially social science, inevitably conducts its studies according to a certain value system, and in turn, concocts a notion of which patterns of societal organization and social behavior will return optimal results (according to the theory of value that is in use). However, reality itself is relational (in the Leibnizian sense), something which undermines most scientists' faith in their own political neutrality, and there is no better evidence for this than the modern city. The health and livelihoods of cities depend upon their relationships to other geographic locations, the social relations contained within cities themselves, and all matter of productive and political relations. Most mainstream social scientists are split between mechanical materialism and relativist idealism, but the scientific approach Harvey advocates could potentially be described as "relational materialism," or even better, by its historical title: Dialectical materialism. Dialectical materialism is a material monist view which is skeptical of the ground it stands on. In dialectical materialism, not only are human beings inevitably social actors, but our worlds are always in flux. Modern human beings exist within forms of social organization that are radically different from organizational forms which existed millennia ago, and the current forms of social organization we experience in our societies bear the mark of history. As a result, dialectical materialism's categories are meant to arise out of the study of life itself, and not from a metaphysical foundation. But, it also attempts to emphasize a vigilant meta-awareness of the ways in which our categories deeply affect our relations with things themselves. It attempts to tell the story of the material motions of human society, and the different perspectival relations that those material phenomena create between different actors.

Aside from Harvey's more "raw" philosophy of science, the first chapter mainly outlines a new approach to the study of space, particularly urban space. Harvey carefully explains the complicated ways in which space plays out in human life. When we usually think of "space," we usually think of the space that physicists speak of, i.e., "objective" space. But, the moment we utter the phrase "over there," we have entered into the constantly amorphous world of social space. The third level of space Harvey describes is phenomenological space, which is the sense-experience of space itself. Each of these three levels exists in a dialectical relationship with the others. Changes in one lead to changes in the others. The discovery of an objectively-existing landmass called "North America" by Europeans led to the founding of new urban spaces. Because of reasons relating to the European sense of social space, certain people settled in these lands (after displacing the natives), and built their city a certain way. Social space impacted objective space in the form of the physical changes that resulted from the growth of new cities. The Anglo-capitalist social space of the city imposed class divides onto the city, which also led to differences in phenomenological experiences of space: Living next to a dirty factory became a part of daily life for a working class resident of the city, but pollution also became an indication of undesirability for the petite bourgeois resident. The behavior experienced in these phenomenological differences helped inspire other dialectical changes, and have never ceased to do so, even in our own era.

The second chapter is of a more empirical bent. It applies ideas laid out in chapter one to the urban social problems of Harvey's day which, sadly, have hardly changed at all since the original publication of "Social Justice and the City." He uses real social phenomena to prove that different levels of spatial experience flow through the modern urban landscape, and that the social spatial relations reveal the concrete workings of capitalist economic forces and the local bourgeois political organization of cities. Here, Harvey begins his critique of John Rawls, and of equilibrium political theory in general. Rawls proposed that a capitalist society is perfectly capable of achieving social justice if government policies maintained a certain distribution of living standards. The problem, Harvey argues, is that the spatial-relational nature of capitalist society demonstrates why such an equilibrium will always be elusive, if not totally impossible. Both spatial class divisions and competitive pressures show us the various ways in which tax burdens, public utility burdens, and environmental pollution are shoved onto specific social spaces and the people who inhabit them. In a way, Harvey is also critiquing his fellow Marxists in this passage. As with Rawls, Marxist socio-economic thinkers, at least since after Marx & Engels, and especially the analytical Marxists, have viewed the contention over the distribution of value within society as the only focal point of social ethics. Harvey demonstrates that a spatial war is just as fundamental to capitalist social relations, even though this conflict is intrinsically tied into the functioning of value within capitalist society anyways.

Section two serves as a more philosophical critique of Rawls, and also as a critique of Thomas Khun, as well as an explanation of the necessity of "revolutionary" social science. According to Havey, Rawls' liberalism is damned to uselessness because of its inability to recognize the necessary importance of productive relations in the continual regeneration of inequality, which is also intrinsically tied into Rawls' lack of spatial awareness, which allows liberals such as Rawls to treat the actual physical manifestations of inequality as a matter of pure value-distribution. The inequality of political power and economic autonomy which are intrinsically connected to income inequality are left entirely out of the picture in the Rawlsian thesis, which, to say the least, is a shortcoming on equilibrium theory's part. Harvey then engages in a third critique of equilibrium theory which is truly brilliant. He demonstrates that if we were to accept Rawls' notion of social justice as a starting point for the imagining of a just society, that we could arrive at a Marxist version of equilibrium theory by thinking through its consequences. Rawls argued that modern societies need to enable the economically weakest strata of society to maximize their potential. Harvey shows that in order to accomplish this, the "lowest" stratum of society requires real political power. Rawls' equilibrium theory rested on the notion that cross-class conflict was not an intrinsic aspect of capitalist society, something which many would agree is a fantastical hope. As Harvey points out, even if capitalist societies propagate only modest amounts of economic antagonism between citizens (which they obviously do), then the only way to ensure the well-being of the masses is for the masses to seize power. From there, it makes the most sense to define the masses as the lowest strata, so as to allow the majority of society to achieve power. Then, Harvey demonstrates that majoritarian political power on behalf of the dispossessed masses depends on control of productive forces. Thus, Harvey ends up at the dictatorship of the proletariat.

With this example in mind, Harvey shifts to his critique of Khun's theory of paradigm shifts. Khun described scientific evolution as a process that is marked by periodic leaps between new categorical structures in knowledge. However, Khun paid virtually no attention to the social forces which allow these changes to occur. In both the natural and social sciences, theories engage in an examination of the material world. However, theories often begin to exhaust their usefulness once their categories have been thoroughly explored, and they begin to encounter anomalies, which are difficult to explain within the reigning theory. Often, but not always, new theories challenge the reigning social order, just as when the bourgeoisie were more willing to accept purely materialist scientific paradigms than the crumbling feudal order. Analyses in all sciences are always framed by values, and whether one likes it or not, these values have social, political, and economic content. This content is not "merely subjective," but ultimately relates back to the reigning socio-economic order of society. From here, we can see why paradigm shifts aren't always epistemologically progressive. Economics shifted from monetarist to Keynesian economics in the 1930s when the Great Depression created a tremendous anomaly for monetarist economic science. Keynesianism itself experienced an insurmountable anomaly in the 1970s, which logically should have led to an even greater paradigm shift away from bourgeois economics, but instead simply resulted in a reversion to monetarism without any real resolution of the anomalies of monetarism, which simply played themselves out again in 2008.

"Urbanism and the City" represents the longest essay in this collection, and is an application of geographic dialectics to both the history of the capitalist city and its modern social contradictions, both of which are intractable from one another. Harvey applies the categories of Marxian value to urban spatial relations. This has a twin advantage. The Marxian concepts of value within capitalist relations traditionally denote a divide and contradiction between "use value" and "exchange value." The definitions are fairly intuitive, and probably mean exactly what one assumes they mean. However, Marx also held that they contained contradictions which have ramifications across society, and for the process of capitalist production itself. In order to create exchange value, the "use value" of a commodity must be melted down and foregone in favor of a more fluid kind of value. The reverse is also true. Harvey argues that this is equally true for the use and exchange of urban spaces. In urban areas, the usefulness of space is frequently sacrificed in order to make space more marketable for private interests. A logical ordering of urban space would link work, daily life, and positive environmental conditions in such a way that secured productivity while maximizing human happiness. Despite the fact that this may sound like an enviable form of social organization to just about anyone, the contradictions of capitalist space inhibit the existence of such a city, or at least any such city which doesn't parasitically feed off of the other urban areas through rent-created class segregation between cities, such as San Francisco and New York. The sacrifice of use value in favor of exchange value doesn't just make more money for city governments and landlords, but also plays a vital role in reproducing class divides, both in their political and economic forms. Conservative and liberal social scientists attempt to get around this problem by melting use value into exchange value, or vice versa, but these one-dimensional spatial analyses time and time again fail to meaningfully represent reality. As Mike Davis proved in "Planet of Slums," granting a certain portion of an urban population a monopoly over space will only ensure that the more economically powerful portion will harvest rent from their monopoly power, and that there is virtually no inventive (or overarching tendency) to maximize utility or equality in such an economic framing, a flaw resulting from the contradiction between the use and exchange values of spaces.

Harvey introduces the roles surpluses in value play in the capitalist society, and the manner in which urban surplus distribution affect the transition from the feudal town to the capitalist city. Citing the work of Karl Polyani, Harvey argues that market phenomena, once a mere parasite to the hierarchical and egalitarian distribution economies of the Middle Ages, eventually overtook the feudal city. The rise of protestant values, in conjunction with technological advances, allowed for the merchant class to gain an unprecedented level of political power. This, in turn, initiated a sea-change in urban life. Urban centers, already oriented around the extraction of surplus value from the country, went into overdrive and began to suck resources, people, and political power away from the country at an unprecedented rate. The life of most people in capitalist societies became one of urban class divides, where the political-spatial control of the bourgeoisie became central to the process of accumulation.

In the conclusion, Harvey comes to a critically important point about urbanism as a social process. Urbanism long predates capitalism, and even possesses continuous characteristics across multiple epochs. However, the organizational form of urbanism in the modern era is unprecedented, and more importantly, is an essential expression of the capitalist mode of production. So, what exactly is space and urbanism with regards to the process of historical transformation? Harvey proposes that "urbanism" should be thought of in a similar manner to "science." Most civilizations, at least for millennia since before our time, have had some form of science. At the same time, no one would deny that "our" science is far more advanced and efficient than all previous forms of science, and that in order to affect social change, science must be heeded and incorporated into any revolutionary understanding of capitalism, as we all know Marx himself advocated. Harvey claims that urbanism should be examined and incorporated into both social science and left-wing movements in a similar manner. Just as the expansion of industrial capitalism and scientific-technological practices across the globe heralds the final stages of capitalism's conquest of humanity, so does the victory of the city over the country herald the progressive evolution of capitalism. Our response should neither be fluffy optimism nor hopeless cynicism. The urban process contains the essence of capitalism's evils, but also the possibility for confrontation of these same evils. The collection concludes with the 2008 essay "The Right to the City," Harvey's now famous manifesto against the world-wide authoritarian control of capitalist cities across the world by bourgeois political forces, and the necessity of viewing urban authoritarianism as a characteristic of capitalist modernity.

This essay collection is possibly the most essential work ever written by David Harvey. Many of my liberal friends praise Harvey for his studies on imperialism and neo-liberalism, but his most challenging works, "Social Justice and the City" and "The Limits to Capital," are certainly essential readings for anyone with an interest in social science, or even philosophy of science. Really, no aspiring student of society has any business ignoring Harvey.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Love it, but I'm biased...
By ReadWriteYoga
In general, I'm a fan of the writings of Harvey and this book is yet another reason why I value his literary and academic contributions. Harvey offers valuable insight into the construction of social justice within the build environment of our urban spaces. This book is good for students, sociologists, geographers and those who want to move past the neoliberal rhetoric.

See all 7 customer reviews...

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Jumat, 26 September 2014

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The Faiths of the Founding Fathers, an acclaimed look at the spiritual beliefs of such iconic Americans as Franklin, Washington, and Jefferson, established David L. Holmes as a measured voice in the heated debate over the new nation’s religious underpinnings. With the same judicious approach, Holmes now looks at the role of faith in the lives of the twelve presidents who have served since the end of World War II.

Holmes examines not only the beliefs professed by each president but also the variety of possible influences on their religious faith, such as their upbringing, education, and the faith of their spouse. In each profile close observers such as clergy, family members, friends, and advisors recall churchgoing habits, notable displays of faith (or lack of it), and the influence of their faiths on policies concerning abortion, the death penalty, Israel, and other controversial issues.

Whether discussing John F. Kennedy’s philandering and secularity or Richard Nixon’s betrayal of Billy Graham’s naïve trust during Watergate, Holmes includes telling and often colorful details not widely known or long forgotten. We are reminded, for instance, how Dwight Eisenhower tried to conceal the background of his parents in the Jehovah’s Witnesses and how the Reverend Cotesworth Lewis’s sermonizing to Lyndon Johnson on the Vietnam War was actually not a left- but a right-wing critique.

National interest in the faiths of our presidents is as strong as ever, as shown by the media frenzy engendered by George W. Bush’s claim that Jesus was his favorite political philosopher or Barack Obama’s parting with his minister, the Reverend Jeremiah Wright. Holmes’s work adds depth, insight, and color to this important national topic.

  • Sales Rank: #1470341 in Books
  • Published on: 2012-04-25
  • Released on: 2012-04-25
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.40" w x 6.00" l, 1.55 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 296 pages

Review

[Holmes] is politically and confessionally nonpartisan, which allows him to write impressively balanced accounts of such matters as Nixon’s betrayal of Billy Graham’s trust and Obama’s connection to Jeremiah Wright, who, on the evidence, was an excellent pastor who’d never been 'controversial' before the media started sound-biting his sermons. Only Kennedy emerges from Holmes’ presentation as less sympathetic than current opinion considers him. Another interesting take on the presidency.

(Ray Olson Booklist)

Holmes, professor of religious studies at the College of William and Mary (The Faiths of the Founding Fathers) examines the backgrounds of our presidents since WWII by delving into their families, the people who influenced their religious beliefs, and their patterns of attending Sunday worship. . . . [I]t is well-researched reading for the reader who wants to know about the presidency.

(Publishers Weekly)

This is an admirable and colorful yet balanced look at our recent Presidents and their religious beliefs. It will have wide appeal for all readers and particularly for those interested in presidential history.

(Nancy Richey Library Journal)

Holmes provides us with a broad personal and historical narrative that brings into the conversation family, social, cultural, and political dynamics. What we learn about some figures might surprise us, especially those whose presidencies have faded into the recesses of our memories. . . . Holmes's book is a fascinating read. It's insightful, authoritative, and revealing of the spiritual dimensions of American political life.

(Robert Cornwall Ponderings on a Faith Journey)

[Holmes] provides a lively, engaging, interesting appraisal of the influences upon and nature of the faith of the twelve men who have served as America's chief executive since the end of World War II. . . . His book is especially helpful in explaining the religious background and commitments of the grandparents, parents, and wives of these presidents. . . . Readers will profit from Holmes's judicious, balanced, insightful, and illuminating assessment of our most recent presidents. His book is timely in light of the current presidential campaign where once again religion has been a signficant factor.

(Gary Scott Smith University Bookman)

A distinctive element of American politics is its unofficial yet vital link with religion. . . . Holmes shows the personal side of this dynamic by examining the faith lives and patterns of the 12 American presidents who served after WW II, from Truman to Obama. . . . It offers a number of illuminating insights into the private lives of these very public leaders.

(M. A. Granquist Choice )

A distinguished and long-tenured professor at the College of William and Mary, Holmes has crafted an excellent narrative of post-World War II presidents and how religion or faith may have influenced their devotional, social, and political lives, as well as the nation's. . . . The Faith of the Postwar Presidents is easy, informative, interesting, and a balanced presentation of each president.

(Worth E. Norman Jr. Living Church)

David Holmes . . . makes a meaningful contribution with this timely book, examining the role that religion played in the lives of America's most-recent presidents. . . . [He] devotes equal attention to the spiritual journeys of presidents that other authors have frequently overlooked. . . . Holmes has written a valuable reference for scholars working on a variety of topics relating to both religion and the presidency.

(David O'Connell Political Science Quarterly)

About the Author
David L. Holmes is Walter G. Mason Professor of Religious Studies Emeritus at the College of William and Mary. His books include the The Faiths of the Founding Fathers, A Brief History of the Episcopal Church, A Nation Mourns, and The Life of the Rev. Devereux Jarratt.

Most helpful customer reviews

7 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
An excellent introduction to an important subject
By Hoodlum
In this volume, David L. Holmes, author of The Faiths of the Founding Fathers and other highly regarded books, has given us a first-rate history and analysis, with much telling detail. He writes as a scholar--that is, his judgment is well informed by years of careful study--but he also knows how to craft a sentence, organize an effective paragraph, and thus compose a lively and thoroughly readable chapter. His style is vigorous and accessible. And there are surprises in store: Lyndon Johnson's relations with the liturgical traditions--both Roman Catholicism and Anglicanism (the Episcopal Church in the United States)--make for fascinating reading because much is revealed here not commonly known. And there is thorough, judicious coverage of Obama's connections to his Chicago pastor. The saddest chapter focuses on John F. Kennedy, who managed to combine chronic illness with chronic adultery. At various times, too, Holmes provides appropriate, thought-provoking insights into the connections between a president's beliefs and his policies and actions. Highly recommended for both academic and general readers.

7 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
Stripped of Agenda and Armed with Facts
By Joseph W. Bland III
Not only is this a thorough and impressively researched book, but it's a quickly paced read as well. Those who are new to the subject will get as much from Holmes as readers well versed in religious history. It's an exciting mix of religious history, American history, and biography; all three threads weaving together into a compelling narrative. As other reviewers continue to stress, Holmes has constructed an account that is unbiased and apolitical as it concerns our contemporary, reactive, agenda-riddled landscape, and this scholarly approach only serves to make the story of presidential faith more readable.

6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
Captivating
By Guy Madison
The last time I succumbed to reading "comments" to an article on President Obama, I was struck by the venom of so many writers (which, when it comes to Presidents knows no left or right, no east or west) and by how many of them castigated the President as a "Muslim." Well, these commentators--and many others--would surely benefit from reading the carefully nuanced and informative chapter on Obama in this enjoyable book--as well as the 11 other chapters of post-war Presidents. Each chapter tells a "story," none of them alike, and in each case, except, unsurprisingly for Gerald Ford, there are challenging questions for each subject, as well as affirming revelations. There are also some surprises here, such as the common denominator linking the religious beliefs of Kennedy and Nixon, the President whose religious practices resemble those of Obama, and the religious beliefs of Eisenhower's mother. Apart from the expert writing and the insights into the twelve lives, the book is notable because the author is a respected church historian--and rarely, if ever, has a church historian peered into the lives of Presidents. This volume follows an earlier one examining the faiths of the founding fathers, among, of course, are them several Presidents; that leaves the author with the future task of unveiling the faiths of about 30 more Presidents. It cannot occur soon enough.

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The Faiths of the Postwar Presidents: From Truman to Obama (George H. Shriver Lecture Series in Religion in American History Ser.), by Dav PDF
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Kamis, 25 September 2014

>> Download PDF Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav

Download PDF Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav

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Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav

Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav



Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav

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Properties of Violence: Law and Land Grant Struggle in Northern New Mexico (Geographies of Justice and Social Transformation Ser.), by Dav

Through a compelling story about the conflict over a notorious Mexican-period land grant in northern New Mexico, David Correia examines how law and property are constituted through violence and social struggle.

Spain and Mexico populated what is today New Mexico through large common property land grants to sheepherders and agriculturalists. After the U.S.-Mexican War the area saw rampant land speculation and dubious property adjudication. Nearly all of the huge land grants scattered throughout New Mexico were rejected by U.S. courts or acquired by land speculators. Of all the land grant conflicts in New Mexico's history, the struggle for the Tierra Amarilla land grant, the focus of Correia's story, is one of the most sensational, with numerous nineteenth-century speculators ranking among the state's political and economic elite and a remarkable pattern of resistance to land loss by heirs in the twentieth century.

Correia narrates a long and largely unknown history of property conflict in Tierra Amarilla characterized by nearly constant violence―night riding and fence cutting, pitched gun battles, and tanks rumbling along the rutted dirt roads of northern New Mexico. The legal geography he constructs is one that includes a surprising and remarkable cast of characters: millionaire sheep barons, Spanish anarchists, hooded Klansmen, Puerto Rican terrorists, and undercover FBI agents. By placing property and law at the center of his study, Properties of Violence provocatively suggests that violence is not the opposite of property but rather is essential to its operation.

  • Sales Rank: #209648 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: University of Georgia Press
  • Published on: 2013-03-01
  • Released on: 2013-03-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .80" w x 6.00" l, .80 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 240 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
"What is important in this book is the deep historical detail coupled with Correia’s insistence, fully illustrated, that property is never settled, deeds are never quiet, resistance to new regimes of property is always present. . . . This is engaged, critical, historical geography as it ought to be done."—Don Mitchell, Antipode

"Correia has written a fast-paced, interesting, enjoyable, and academically rigorous book that tells a story of injustice in impeccably precise terms."—Lorena Oropeza, author of ¡Raza Sí! ¡Guerra No! Chicano Protest and Patriotism during the Viet Nam War Era

"Property is a site for violence, whether implied or actual. Yet property is also positioned as the means by which violence is kept at bay. It is not for nothing that one talks of the "quieting" of title. David Correia writes against the grain, therefore, in his wonderful excavation of one site in New Mexico to reveal property as a site for struggle and ordering, crosscut with colonialism, race, and class. Property emerges as a live, active, and vitally important concept."—Nicholas Blomley, professor of geography at Simon Fraser University

"Properties of Violence is a smart, original, and vibrant retelling of the history of land struggle in northern New Mexico. David Correia, through rigorous archival and ethnographic research, raises compelling questions about the complicated relationships between colonialism, violence, and property that have broad and deep implications for land struggles around the world. Moreover, it is a refreshingly well-written book, nimbly walking the difficult terrain between meticulous scholarship and well-crafted prose that makes it ideal for both the seasoned academic and anyone interested in a riveting story of violence, political struggles, and the very meaning of property."—Jake Kosek, author of Understories: The Political Life of Forests in Northern New Mexico

About the Author
David Correia is an assistant professor in the Department of American Studies at the University of New Mexico

Most helpful customer reviews

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
A Must Read for Understanding the Injustices Affecting New Mexicans After the U.S. Annexed the State
By greg sandoval
Mr. Correia has evidently done a thorough research into the difficult historical records on Spanish and Mexican Land Grants in NM. The very different attitudes and interpretations governing communal vs. private property between Spanish (Mexico) and English (US) laws dealt a serious blow to the land grant peoples in Tierra Amarilla and other parts of NM. The U.S. Congress and Courts made decisions that marginalized the original property owners and stripped them of their lands.

The book gives a historical review of the means and methods that these disenfranchised individuals used to try to maintain their land grant ownership. Many of their methods involved trying to follow the new American laws on property ownership and using the Courts. Only after exhausting these means, did some of the land grant members resort to unconventional methods.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
An Incisive look at a little known but important story
By richard rosenstock
I just finished reading this book. Having lived in the Tierra Amarilla area during the 1970' and 1980's when some of what Dr. Correia discusses occurred, I found the book particularly interesting. Even more interesting were the chapters about the efforts to regain the lost land grant through court actions in the 1940's and 1950's in the face of a stacked legal deck and how these most resulted oriented decisions led directly to the uprising of the late 1960's.

A very interesting story. Well written, thorough yet maintains a quick pace.

Richard Rosenstock

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
The best book on NM social movements to date
By el molestoso
Correia draws on a wide swath of history to tell not only the story of the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant, but also to provide important information about how things change in New Mexico, based for once on the perspectives of people who normally are unable to write their own histories. This is a very worthwhile addition to the historiography of the Southwest, and hopefully can provide a model for other work analyzing power, people and governance in the region.

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Minggu, 21 September 2014

>> PDF Download Georgia Women: Their Lives and Times (Southern Women: Their Lives and Times Ser.)From Brand: University of Georgia Press

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Georgia Women: Their Lives and Times (Southern Women:  Their Lives and Times Ser.)From Brand: University of Georgia Press

This first of two volumes extends from the founding of the colony of Georgia in 1733 up to the Progressive era. From the beginning, Georgia women were instrumental in shaping the state, yet most histories minimize their contributions. The essays in this volume include women of many ethnicities and classes who played an important role in Georgia’s history.

Though sources for understanding the lives of women in Georgia during the colonial period are scarce, the early essays profile Mary Musgrove, an important player in the relations between the Creek nation and the British Crown, and the loyalist Elizabeth Johnston, who left Georgia for Nova Scotia in 1806. Another essay examines the near-mythical quality of the American Revolution-era accounts of "Georgia's War Woman," Nancy Hart. The later essays are multifaceted in their examination of the way different women experienced Georgia's antebellum social and political life, the tumult of the Civil War, and the lingering consequences of both the conflict itself and Emancipation. After the war, both necessity and opportunity changed women's lives, as educated white women like Eliza Andrews established or taught in schools and as African American women like Lucy Craft Laney, who later founded the Haines Institute, attended school for the first time. Georgia Women also profiles reform-minded women like Mary Latimer McLendon, Rebecca Latimer Felton, Mildred Rutherford, Nellie Peters Black, and Martha Berry, who worked tirelessly for causes ranging from temperance to suffrage to education. The stories of the women portrayed in this volume provide valuable glimpses into the lives and experiences of all Georgia women during the first century and a half of the state's existence.

Historical figures include:Mary MusgroveNancy HartElizabeth Lichtenstein JohnstonEllen CraftFanny KembleFrances Butler LeighSusie King TaylorEliza Frances AndrewsAmanda America DicksonMary Ann Harris GayRebecca Latimer FeltonMary Latimer McLendonMildred Lewis RutherfordNellie Peters BlackLucy Craft LaneyMartha BerryCorra HarrisJuliette Gordon Low

  • Sales Rank: #2160995 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: University of Georgia Press
  • Published on: 2009-08-25
  • Released on: 2009-08-25
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.01" w x 6.00" l, 1.32 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 392 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review

Women have made their mark on all aspects of Georgia's history, from early colonization and revolution, through slavery, war, and defeat, and on through the era of racial repression and reform. Their stories, as told here by accomplished historians all, provide valuable new gendered lenses through which to view that history afresh. Full of new insights and fascinating reading throughout.

(John C. Inscoe editor of The New Georgia Encyclopedia)

This important work brings to light the role of significant women in our state's history. Reflecting the latest scholarship in the field, it brings more depth and analysis to women whose stories may be familiar and introduces women whose efforts and contributions deserve a place in Georgia's historical record.

(Lee Ann Caldwell director of the Center for the Study of Georgia History, Augusta State University)

[T]his exploration of 'Georgia Women' provides a stunning introduction to the study of the role of passionate women in the creation of history and today.

(Metro Spirit of Augusta)

While the essays might hold special interest for those who study Georgia, they can also introduce scholars of women's and southern history to new intricacies in the lives of even the most famous of the women

(Journal of Southern History)

From the Inside Flap
This first of two volumes extends from the founding of the colony of Georgia in 1733 up to the Progressive era. From the beginning, Georgia women were instrumental in shaping the state, yet most histories minimize their contributions. The essays in this volume include women of many ethnicities and classes who played an important role in Georgia's history.

Though sources for understanding the lives of women in Georgia during the colonial period are scarce, the early essays profile Mary Musgrove, an important player in the relations between the Creek nation and the British Crown, and the loyalist Elizabeth Johnston, who left Georgia for Nova Scotia in 1806. Another essay examines the near-mythical quality of the American Revolutionera accounts of "Georgia's War Woman," Nancy Hart. The later essays are multifaceted in their examination of the way different women experienced Georgia's antebellum social and political life, the tumult of the Civil War, and the lingering consequences of both the conflict itself and Emancipation. After the war, both necessity and opportunity changed women's lives, as educated white women like Eliza Andrews established or taught in schools and as African American women like Lucy Craft Laney, who later founded the Haines Institute, attended school for the first time. Georgia Women also profiles reform-minded women like Mary Latimer McLendon, Rebecca Latimer Felton, Mildred Rutherford, Nellie Peters Black, and Martha Berry, who worked tirelessly for causes ranging from temperance to suffrage to education. The stories of the women portrayed in this volume provide valuable glimpses into the lives and experiences of all Georgia women during the first century anda half of the state's existence.

About the Author
Ann Short Chirhart is an associate professor of history at Indiana State University. She is the author of Torches of Light: Georgia Teachers and the Coming of the Modern South (Georgia). Betty Wood is a reader in American history at Girton College, University of Cambridge. Her books include Women's Work, Men's Work: The Informal Slave Economies of Lowcountry Georgia, 1750-1830 (Georgia).

Most helpful customer reviews

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A quality book on the history of Southern Women
By H. Temple
This is a well written book of stories on the lives of Georgia’s colonial women. This book, which I sampled and added to my wish list, but have not yet bought, includes several stories about minority women. Women and historians would especially enjoy reading this book.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Four Stars
By Eilish Dempsey
This book was a nice read and very interesting

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Argentina and the United States: An Alliance Contained (The United States and the Americas Ser.), by David Sheinin

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Argentina and the United States: An Alliance Contained (The United States and the Americas Ser.), by David Sheinin

In the first English-language survey of Argentine-U.S. relations to appear in more than a decade, David M. K. Sheinin challenges the accepted view that confrontation has been the characteristic state of affairs between the two countries. Sheinin draws on both Spanish- and English-language sources in the United States, Argentina, Canada, and Great Britain to provide a broad perspective on the two centuries of shared U.S.-Argentine history with fresh focus in particular on cultural ties, nuclear politics in the cold war era, the politics of human rights, and Argentina's exit in 1991 from the nonaligned movement.

From the perspectives of both countries, Sheinin discusses such topics as Pan-Americanism, petroleum, communism and fascism, and foreign debt. Although the general trajectory of the two countries' relationship has been one of cooperative interaction based on generally strong and improving commercial and financial ties, shared strategic interests, and vital cultural contacts, Sheinin also emphasizes episodes of strained ties. These include the Cuban Revolution, the Dirty War of the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the Falklands/Malvinas War. In his epilogue, Sheinin examines Argentina's monetary crash of December 2001, when the United States-in a major policy shift-refused to come to Argentina's rescue.

  • Sales Rank: #2736973 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: University of Georgia Press
  • Published on: 2006-07-25
  • Released on: 2006-07-25
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .86" w x 6.00" l, .99 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 304 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review

This volume provides a superb examination of Argentine-U.S. relations between the early nineteenth and the early twenty-first century. Throughout this history, U.S. policy toward Argentina was often 'contained' within a zone of suspicion. The book shows how each country misunderstood each other's foreign policy, a case in point being the Falkland/Malvinas War in 1982, and how Argentina was the focus of a major U.S. policy shift when the US chose not to provide aid during the economic crisis of December 2001.

(Dr. Kristin Ruggiero Professor of History and Director of the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Milwaukee, Wisconsin)

Sheinin's study is particularly strong on the cultural interchange between Argentina and the United States. He draws from his earlier research to provide interesting and detailed coverage of the juxtapositioning of the two countries within the Pan-American movement and of the intricate negotiations surrounding the Argentine nuclear program in the 1970s and 1980s. This thoughtful overview fills a significant remaining gap in the United States and the Americas series.

(Ken Lehman Hampden-Sydney College)

A masterful, insightful survey of two centuries of diplomatic, economic, and cultural interaction. . . . With his command of even the most recent secondary literature and exceptional archival research on three continents, he has produced a valuable synthesis of newer cultural trends with traditional diplomatic history. . . . There are a few scholars in every generation who possess the range, expertise, and perspective to produce a truly first-rate survey, and Sheinin clearly falls within this elite group. This volume offers the most balanced and comprehensive analysis of U.S.-Argentine relations to date, a clear step in the ongoing evolution of diplomatic history, and a convincing synthetic framework that future scholars should be able to revise only with great difficulty.

(Hispanic American Historical Review)

In his original and highly refreshing book, Sheinin succinctly and convincingly demonstrates that, contrary to the conventional interpretation, discord between these two countries is really the exception to what has been a surprisingly stable and cooperative bilateral relationship for the past two centuries. . . . A balanced and thoroughly researched narrative.

(American Historical Review)

About the Author
David M. K. Sheinin is a professor of history at Trent University in Peterborough, Ontario, and a corresponding academic of the Argentine National Academy of History. His books include Searching for Authority as well as four other studies of Argentina, Pan-Americanism, and the Jewish diaspora in Latin America.

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Jumat, 19 September 2014

^^ Download Ebook They Saved the Crops: Labor, Landscape, and the Struggle over Industrial Farming in Bracero-Era California (Geographies of Justice and Soci

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They Saved the Crops: Labor, Landscape, and the Struggle over Industrial Farming in Bracero-Era California (Geographies of Justice and Soci



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They Saved the Crops: Labor, Landscape, and the Struggle over Industrial Farming in Bracero-Era California (Geographies of Justice and Soci

At the outset of World War II, California agriculture seemed to be on the cusp of change. Many Californians, reacting to the ravages of the Great Depression, called for a radical reorientation of the highly exploitative labor relations that had allowed the state to become such a productive farming frontier. But with the importation of the first braceros―“guest workers” from Mexico hired on an “emergency” basis after the United States entered the war―an even more intense struggle ensued over how agriculture would be conducted in the state. Esteemed geographer Don Mitchell argues that by delineating the need for cheap, flexible farm labor as a problem and solving it via the importation of relatively disempowered migrant workers, an alliance of growers and government actors committed the United States to an agricultural system that is, in important respects, still with us.

They Saved the Crops is a theoretically rich and stylistically innovative account of grower rapaciousness, worker militancy, rampant corruption, and bureaucratic bias. Mitchell shows that growers, workers, and officials confronted a series of problems that shaped―and were shaped by―the landscape itself. For growers, the problem was finding the right kind of labor at the right price at the right time. Workers struggled for survival and attempted to win power in the face of economic exploitation and unremitting violence. Bureaucrats tried to harness political power to meet the demands of, as one put it, “the people whom we serve.”

Drawing on a deep well of empirical materials from archives up and down the state, Mitchell’s account promises to be the definitive book about California agriculture in the turbulent decades of the mid-twentieth century.

  • Sales Rank: #545232 in Books
  • Published on: 2012-04-01
  • Released on: 2012-04-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.30" w x 6.00" l, 1.72 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 576 pages

Review

The bracero program was the ideal business recipe for cheap immigrant labor, cooked up by growers and stamped ‘Government Approved.’ Mitchell has written the definitive history of the era, which all future studies of California farming and Mexican immigration must build upon. By its archival depth and trenchant analysis, it sets a new standard in the study of farm labor and provides an unassailable indictment of grower power and abuse of workers―all the while expanding the theoretical envelopes of geography, political economy, and labor studies.

(Richard A. Walker author of The Conquest of Bread: 150 Years of Agribusiness in California)

'They Saved the Crops is a tremendous book. It is extremely well written, and it organizes an astonishing amount of material in an innovative way, all the time avoiding the easy simplification so tempting with multi-layered material. Even more important, it couldn't be more timely, insofar as renewed assaults on immigrant workers remind us that 'guest worker' politics is a pot always on the boil.

(Geoff Mann author of Our Daily Bread: Wages, Workers, and the Political Economy of the American West)

The author’s research is extraordinarily thorough and well-documented, making the volume indispensable for scholars of agriculture, immigration, and labor.

(Choice)

Few people know the social and economic contours of California’s industrial agriculture landscape better than geographer Don Mitchell. And no one has written a more thorough, passionate, and critical history of the landscape’s “morphology” during the bracero era than Mitchell in his new book.

(David Igler Western Historical Quarterly)

Anyone interested in the bracero program, agricultural history in the United States, and the history of California will find this important and often fascinating book well worth the time.

(Cindy Hahamovitch American Historical Review)

Mitchell has made an important contribution to both our understanding of landscape as well as California agricultural history.

(Laura Pulido Cultural Geographies)

Mitchell achieves more than enough in They Saved The Crops to distinguish this book as the history of record for the Bracero program. As with his previous work, he focuses on our societal tendencies to conceal exploitation in our food system, and how these exploitative acts bleed into the relationship between labor and capital throughout the US economy.

(Matt Garcia Journal of Historical Geography)

Ernesto Galarza, Karl Marx, and Carey McWilliams come together in the industrial agricultural establishments of California in Don Mitchell's extraordinary exploration of the bracero program. In a book that both illuminates and infuriates, Mitchell deftly draws on the insights of geography and political economy to bring to life a rich archival record of exploitation, abuse, class struggle, and the ugly pursuit of profit at any cost. In doing so, Mitchell powerfully shows how the multifaceted violence of the bracero program lives on in the land and bodies that make up California's contemporary agricultural landscape.

(Joseph Nevins author of Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid)

About the Author
Don Mitchell is a distinguished professor of geography at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. He is the author of many books including "The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space" and "The Lie of the Land: Migrant Workers and the California Landscape."

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